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N3.4bn Fraud: Emir Sanusi’s Culpable, Commission Insists (See Full Report)
Below is the full preliminary report served the Secretary to Kano State Government by the state anti-graft commission attached to buttress its investigation into the alleged misappropriation of N3.4 billion by the Kano Emirate Council between 2014 and 2017.
The commission insists in this report that the emir is the accounting officer of council, whose account was not audited within the period under investigation. The commission is also accusing the emirate council of obstruction of investigation and called for the suspension of the emir to allow free probe, among others.
RE: PRELIMINARY REPORT OF INVESTIGATION IN RESPECT OF PETITION OF FINANCIAL MISAPPROPRIATION AGAINST KANO STATE EMIRATE COUNCIL UNDER THE PRESENT EMIR
MUHAMMADU SANUSI II
In furtherance to the Commission’s earlier communication No. PCAC/GEN/6/V.I, dated 31st May, 2019, on the above subject matter and the unfolding events, the Commission deemed it necessary to make some clarifications as follows:-
It is imperative to state categorically that, the Commission’s investigation is on alleged misappropriation and questionable expenditures but not on the funds left behind by the Late Emir of Kano Alh. Ado Bayero and we still maintain our stance.
In the cause of investigation we undertook an analysis of the main Account belonging to Kano Emirate Council and domicile at First Bank with account No. 2005888452 starting from the era of the Late Emir to enable the Commission have an idea of how the money is being managed.
There were Seven Hundred and Eighty Three (783) activities bothering on withdrawals, transfers and placements from 2/1/2013 to 06/06/2014 in respect of the account which covers the time of Late Emir Ado Bayero as per the analysis conducted by this Commission.
As from 2nd January 2013 to 13th April, 2017 the opening balance is Four Hundred and Thirty Two Million Three Hundred and Thirty Eight Thousand Four Hundred and Twelve Naira Ninety Eight Kobo (N432,338,412.98). Total credit made in the account during this period was Six Billion Seven Hundred and Eighty Four Million, One Hundred and Fourty Six Thousand Three Hundred and Thirty Five Naira Seventy Three Kobo (N6,784,146,335.73)
while the total debit during the period under review is Seven Billion Two Hundred and Nine Million Thirty Five Thousand One Hundred and Sixty Three Naira Nine Kobo (N7,209,035,163.09). The closing balance as at April, 2017 is Seven Million Four Hundred and Fourty Nine Thousand Five Hundred and Eighty Five Naira Sixty Two Kobo (7,449,585.62).
On 13/2/2014 and 26/2/2014 payments were made to Philko Ltd, the company said to have undertook the construction of Ado Bayero Royal City via Inter Bank transfers of the sum of Seven Hundred and Seven Six Million One Hundred and Fifty Nine Thousand Five Hundred and Nineteen Naira Fifty Kobo (N776,159,519.50), there were transfers of N388,079,759.75,
N338,079,759.75 and N50,000,000.00 made on 13th February, 2014 and 26th February, 2014 respectively; making the total quoted figures for Philko Ltd.
During this period fixed deposit placements were made to the tune of Five Hundred and Eighty One Million Eight Hundred and Eighty Four Thousand Seven Hundred and Twenty Nine Naira Fifty Four Kobo (N581,884,729.54) (placement and rollovers) while net withdrawals on some engagements both cash and withdrawal stood at One Billion Fifty Six Million Five Hundred and Thirty Three Thousand Seven Hundred and Twenty Eight Naira Thirty One Kobo (N1,056,533,728.31).
In summary, the total withdrawal made from the Account under the Late Emir was Two Billion Four Hundred and Fourteen Million Five Hundred and Seventy Seven Thousand Nine Hundred and Seventy Seven Naira Thirty Five Kobo (N2,414,577,977.35), subtracting this amount from total debit on the account which is Seven Billion Two Hundred and Nine Million Thirty Five Thousand One Hundred and Sixty Three Naira Nine Kobo (N7,209,035,163.09), it is evidently clear that the current Emir is responsible for the expenditures to the total sum of Four Billion Seven Hundred and Ninety Four Million Four Hundred and Fifty Seven Thousand One Hundred and Eighty Five Naira Seventy Four Kobo (N4,794,457,185.74) from the Emirate Council Account domicile in First Bank Plc.
Similarly, all the expenditures made by the Emirate Council are either based on the approval or on instruction of His Highness as per attached copy of the payment voucher which reads “Being payment to the above named in respect of making special prayers for peace as directed by H.H. Emir of Kano respectively“. Therefore any claim that the Emir is not accounting officer of the Kano Emirate Council is a deception and a misrepresentation of facts.
Specifically, the reason of our recommendation for the suspension apart from
obstruction of investigation which formed the basis, investigation further reveals that Rufa’I Buhari (Senior Accountant) usually made cash withdrawals directly from the account and change it to Dollars on behalf of the Emir. Sometimes a direct transfers from the account are made to a Bureau De Change belonging to one Jazuli Sani who was said to have died.
This additional explanation formed part of our preliminary report because there is a serious need to dig deeper into the personal expenditures charged directly from the council’s account as in the attached Payment Vouchers where Mujitaba Abba (a brother to His Highness) claimed an OPE to the tune of One Million One Hundred and Eighty Thousand Five Hundred and Fifty Naira (N1,180,550.00) incurred during the activities of the settlement of the Emir’s Children’s School Fees.
In a desperate move to stop this investigation, the Emir filed two (2) separate but similar cases in courts against the Commission. The only difference is the cause of action. He filed an action for Fundamental Enforcement before the Federal High Court with case number FHC/KN/CS/102/2019 HH Sanusi II V. Public Complaints and Anti-Corruption
Commission & 2 Others while the one at the State High Court with case number K/M515/2019 with the same parties seeking for an order of Certiorari to quash the preliminary report but not challenging the merit of our findings.
The law establishing the funds also enjoined the Emirate Council to audit it
finances annually but based on the answer to our request by the Auditor
General of the Local Government (copy attached) the Council under the
current Emir has not audit its finances from 2014 – 2016.
The Commission still maintain the allegation on unappropriated, seemingly personal expenditures, making the total sum of questionable expenditures uncovered by this investigation to the tune of Three Billion Four Hundred and Thirty Two Million Ninety Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety Seven Naira Ninety Four Kobo (N3,432,090,797.94) only.
The sum of One Billion Three Hundred and Sixty Two Million Three Hundred and Sixty Six Thousand Three Hundred and Eighty Seven Naira Eighty One Kobo (N1,362,366,387.81) expended is considered by the Commission as the necessities to run the Emirate Council even though were not budget for.
Generally, it is important for the government to consider the recommendation of the Commission in the interest of public policy and the anti-corruption drive.
By Eric Elezuo
The Nigerian political circle is fast taking shape as the 2027 presidential election draws closer. As a result, permutations regarding who contests for what position, and under what platform is gaining momentum.
From every indication, three political parties have so far shown cause as the main platforms of choice, that is if feelers from the reviving Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its newest bride, former President Goodluck Jonathan, are anything to ignore.
The parties are the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the erstwhile coalition group, African Democratic Congress (ADC) and the freshly introduced Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC). One common denomination attached to these political parties is that they all congresses.
Among the three frontline parties is the NDC, whose life was recently enhanced with the inclusion of two south and north politicians; Mr Peter Obi, who contested under the umbrella of the Labour Party in 2023, and unarguably made serious in-roads even as a newcomer, and Alhaji Rabiu Kwankwaso, who contested under the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP). Kwankwaso’s influence was restricted to his native Kano State, but garnered a total of 1.4 million votes across boards. Today, the two politicians are joining forces in what has been termed Obi-Kwankwaso (OK) Movement to attempt to wrestle power from President Bola Tinubu. Both are also bringing with them their vocal movements; the Obidients and the Kwankwasiyya.
But analysts, stakeholders and observers alike have various considered the alliance of the two political heavyweights, wondering if the marriage is of strange bedfellows that may discard each other in the nearest future, or if there is any iota of seriousness among them that can lead to materializing its lofty objectives.
Recall that on Sunday, May 3, the duo of Obi and Kwankwaso dumped the ADC, and joined the NDC, blaming external interference and unending litigation that may hinder aspirants in the party from actualising their aspirations in 2027.
The move comes just nine months after Obi, Kwankwaso and the defacto leader of the coalition, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar joined the ADC. However, from available indices, the coalition quickly became mired in legal battles over party leadership. Obi blamed the new obstacles set before the party were direct consequences of the Tinubu-led Federal Government.
“The same Nigerian state and its agents that created unnecessary crises and hostility within the Labour Party that forced me to leave now appear to be finding their way into the ADC,” Obi had said while being received by the NDC leadership.
It is important to out on record that various voices speaking for Tinubu and federala Government have denied that they have in the quagmire that befell ADC, or has been trying to sabotage opposition parties.
Speaking afterwards, both men called for national unity, greater opportunities for young people, and an end to the infighting that has plagued Nigeria’s opposition.
However, their decision risks upsetting allies within the coalition built around the ADC, which had been positioning itself as the main vehicle for opposition unity.
Some figures within the bloc have privately expressed a sense of betrayal, raising fresh doubts about whether Nigeria’s fragmented opposition can sustain a coordinated challenge against President Tinubu, who celebrated his 74th birthday in March.
Across sectors, platforms and political corners, the influence of the Obi-Kwankwaso combination continues to grow given the political terrain a new agenda for discussion.
However, many stakeholders, among whim the very informed, have said that the union may end as abruptly as it started, stressing that political equilibrium or exigency are mostly not determined by absolutely loyalty, but most of the times by self interest and aggradizement. This, they said may turn out to be the hallmark of Alhaji Kwankwaso.
Some have reasoned that the five years age difference between Obi and Kwankwaso, with Kwankwaso having the upper hand, the academic superior of the former Kano governor, and his lengthier days in his political sojourn may form the criteria for him to refuse whatever arrangement already on the ground, including playing the running mate fiddle to Obi.
But even at that, it is important to note that Barack Obama was 47 years old when he became president, and his Vice, Joe Biden, was 66 years old. So Kwankwaso is not going to set a world record as vice that is older than his principal? Definitely not.
Another group has hinted that Kwankwaso is only oiling his own personal path to 2031, when the coast will be ripe for the candidate of northern extraction to vie for the presidency.
“Consequently, his intention is far from working for Obi’s victory nor Atiku, for neither of the two can conveniently bow out in 2031. The only person permitted by law not to seek election in 2031 is President Tinubu, if he wins the 2027 election. So, conveniently, any ambitious person with eye on the presidency will definitely want Tinubu to win,” a source told The Boss.
Another school of thought has hinted that with the sudden interest of Goodluck Jonathan in the presidency, the path may be cleared for Kwankwaso to deputize for Jonathan instead of Obi. However, as at the time that membership registration register was closed on May 10, 2026, Jonathan was a member of the Turaki-led PDP while Kwankwaso is still in the NDC.
But Kwankwaso in his speech during the inaugural convention of the NDC insisted that the presidency should be zoned to the South, noting that the south should be allowed to complete its eight years tenure. Whether he meant that for his new party, or for the Tinubu administration, the speech explains in details:
Fellow Nigerians,
It is with immense pleasure and a deep sense of fulfilment that I address you today on this historic occasion of the National Convention of our great party, the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), in Abuja.
Ladies and Gentlemen, Nigeria stands at a critical crossroads. The world is undergoing a profound geopolitical shift, yet our nation has been caught unprepared, largely because of poor leadership. Instead of positioning Nigeria to seize emerging opportunities, bad governance has left us bearing the brunt of global changes.
We are witnessing a sharp decline in the quality of life. Insecurity has created widows and orphans across the land. Millions have been displaced from their homes. Investments are fleeing, critical infrastructure is neglected, the education system is collapsing, and harsh economic policies have been imposed on citizens without meaningful safety nets or relief.
Yet Nigeria’s history teaches us that in our most challenging moments, visionary alliances have provided the way forward. In 1954, a historic partnership was formed between the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), led by Aminu Kano and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), led by Nnamdi Azikiwe to achieve national unity.
Again, in 1960, against steep odds, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe’s National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) formed a coalition with the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) to birth our independence.
In the Second Republic, the alliance between Shehu Shagari and Alex Ekwueme under the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) helped restore civilian rule and national unity after years of military dictatorship.
It is therefore with great sense of unity and solidarity, that as a loyal party member, I support the decision to zone the presidential ticket of the NDC to the South, so that it allows the region to complete its turn in producing national leadership.
This represents a true opportunity for true national healing. We shall work in abidance with the party’s agreement to ensure fairness and federal character in all ramifications.
This party shall also ensure to change the way things are done today by prioritising leadership without ethnic jingoism and religious favouritism.
The leadership standard we shall set will therefore restore Nigeria’s dignity and will guarantee that our citizens at home and the diaspora will be treated with respect and dignity.
Lastly, we can only achieve that by continuing to mobilise to register with INEC to vote, and the NDC to belong to this noble cause. Please register, today.
Thank you.
Long Live the Nigeria Democratic Congress!
Long Live the Federal Republic of Nigeria!
From every indication, the dumping of Obi by Kwankwaso may remain a page in a fiction narrative, since it is absolutely impossible for more defections to occur at this time, according to the new Electoral Act 2026.
However, the page of whether he is totally in support of Obi as his principal, still remains unwritten and blank. What is obvious is the two, by present political exigency, may lead the charge as NDC attempt to dislodge Tinubu as president, and also stop Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, who may lead the ADC attack, from making any headway.
By May 30 according to Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) table, all flag bearers would have been known and observers are throwing their hats in the ring to predict another 3-horse race, exactly as witnessed in 2023.
What would change would depend heavily on the homework every candidate has done prior to this time, and the alliances created on and off the political circle.
But would Kwankwaso Dump Obi at this time, the answer is likely in the negative. The level of cohesion he is willing to give is what however, that is still contentious about.
Time is almost at hand!
The Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, has thrown the 2027 race wide open by zoning
its presidential ticket to the South for a single four-year term, a move that instantly puts Peter Obi and other southern aspirants in play.
The decision came at the party’s national convention on Saturday after a motion by Rep. Afam Victor Ogene of Anambra’s Ogbaru constituency. Delegates adopted it without dissent.
Under the arrangement, the South gets the ticket for 2027 only. Once that four-year term ends, the ticket automatically shifts back to the North.
The zoning formula settles months of backroom jostling inside the NDC over where the party should field its standard-bearer. By locking the North into a wait-and-hold position, the convention has effectively cleared the runway for southern heavyweights to move.
For Obi, the former Anambra governor who ran in 2023, the resolution removes the biggest structural hurdle to picking up the NDC’s form. Other southern aspirants now have the same green light to purchase and process nomination forms.
Party leaders framed the deal as a balance between regional equity and political strategy ahead of 2027. Critics inside the party will watch whether the “automatic” handoff to the North holds once the race gets hot.
For now, the South has its window. The question is who walks through it first.
The Senate has amended its Standing Orders, limiting eligibility to contest for its presiding officers and principal officers to only members of the 10th Senate.
In the new rules, a senator shall only qualify to contest for Senate Presidency and Deputy Senate Presidency if he/she has won election to the Senate for at least one term of four years.
To be eligible to contest for any principal office, a senator must have won election for two consecutive periods, the last one must immediately precede the inauguration of the next Senate.
By implication, any senator who plans to vie to become a presiding officer in the 11th Senate (2027-20231) must have been a senator for at least one term preceding the inauguration.
For principal offices (chief whip, deputy whip, minority whip, etc), the senator must have been a member of the current 10th Senate, or they are not eligible to contest.
Under the new provision on “qualification of presiding officers”, it is stated in Order 3,”A Senator vying for the Office of the President of the Senate and the Deputy President of the Senate must have served at least one term of four (4) years in the Senate as a senator of the Federal Republic.”
Similarly, nomination for the positions shall strictly follow ranking in the following order: former president of the Senate; former deputy president of the Senate; former principal officers of the Senate; senators who had served for at least one term of four (4) years; and senators who had been members of the House of Representatives.
According to the provision, it is only the absence of the above that a first-term senator can be nominated to contest for the positions of presiding officers.
Under Order 5, a senator seeking to be a principal officer must have “served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding such nomination. “
The Senate passed the rules after a lengthy executive session presided over by the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, on Tuesday.
The new rules impliedly gives Akpabio, other former presiding officers, principal officers and ranked senators the right of first refusal.
Findings indicated that the new rules might be what some sources described as “self-serving” or designed to serve the interest of the present presiding officers and members of the 10th Senate.
For instance, some State governors contesting the 2027 election to the Senate in the hope of vying for the presidency of the Senate, are effectively barred by the new rules.
It was also learnt that even within the Senate, the new rules will stop some senators from vying to become principal officers as they would not have attained two consecutive terms prior to 2027.
