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PDP Rejects Supreme Court’s Judgment on Ihedioha, Asks Tanko to Resign as CJN

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By Eric Elezuo

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has rejected the Supreme Court judgment which nullified the election of Hon Emeka Ihedioha as governor of Imo State, and installing Mr. Hope Uzodinma of the All Progressives Congress (APC) as duly elected.

Addressing the press, the party Chairman, Prince Uche Secondus, noted that the Supreme Court’s verdict was political and not in the interest of the people. He asked the Chief Justice, Mohammed Tanko, to step down as he has lost the confidence of the people.

Below is the text of his address:

January 16, 2020

Supreme Court Judgment On Imo Governorship Election is Groundless and Should Be Reversed

Being a text of Press Conference by the PDP National Working Committee (NWC) Presented by the National Chairman, Prince Uche Secondus, in Rejection of the Judgment of the Supreme Court On Imo Governorship Election.

Gentlemen of the Press!

The National Working Committee of our great party, after a thorough examination of all the issues relating to the miscarriage of justice by the Supreme Court on the Imo state governorship election petition, and after a very extensive consultation, resolves as follows:

That the Supreme Court, as presently constituted under Justice Mohammed Tanko, has become heavily compromised; lost its credibility and is now annexed to execute ignoble agenda of the APC-led Federal Government against the Nigerian people.

That the judgment of the Supreme Court voiding the lawful election of Hon. Emeka Ihedioha (who scored 276,404 votes) and awarding fictitious votes to declare Hope Uzodimma of the APC, who scored 96, 458 votes as governor of Imo state, is highly irrational, unfounded, a provocative product of executive manipulation and a recipe for crisis, which should not be allowed to stand.

With the verdict, the Supreme Court executed a coup against the PDP and the people of Imo state as well as other Nigerians, and such must not be allowed to have a place in our democracy.

The questions Justice Tanko’s Supreme Court must answer are:

1. The Supreme Court, in a host of cases, the latest and most celebrated being Atiku V Buhari & Ors, consistently decided that for a petitioner to succeed in an allegation of infraction of any provision of the Electoral Act especially one complaining about malpractice, as in this case, wrongful exclusion of votes, the petitioner must call witnesses polling unit by polling unit.

The question is, how many witnesses did Uzodinma/APC call from the 388 polling units from where the Supreme Court allocated votes to him.

The so called results from the 388 Polling units were rightfully rejected, in line with several decisions of the Supreme Court, by the Tribunal and Court of Appeal as it was merely dumped on the tribunal in a Ghana Must Go bag, by a policeman who had no mandate of the police to testify at the Tribunal.

The Tribunal did not even open the Ghana Must Go bags as there was no basis to do so. It is one of the great wonders of the world how the Supreme Court opened the bag, counted the results and added them to only the APC Candidate.

What is more perplexing is the fact that INEC produced a schedule of reasons why results were not produced from the 388 units.

Indeed election did not even take place in most of the units for one reason or another, like violence, etc and so no result could possibly be obtained from those units. The results were not merely rejected or cancelled by INEC.

None of the candidates or their Counsel, except perhaps APC, as we speak, are aware of the number of votes scored by each party from the 388 polling units. The Tribunal or Court of Appeal did not mention or ascribe any figure from the units to any party in their decisions.

In fact, in the cross examination of the APC Candidate, Sen. Hope Uzodinma, he could not read any figure from the “Oluwole” results. He said that the figures were not clear. And so it beats our imagination where the Supreme Court conjured and manufactured the figures it used in declaring Uzodinma/APC as duly elected.

But the law is settled as decided by the same Supreme Court in Buhari v. INEC (2008); that “weight can hardly be attached to a document tendered in evidence by a witness who cannot or is not in a position to answer questions on the document. One of such persons the law identifies is the one who did not make the document. Such a person is adjudged in the eyes of the law as ignorant of the content of the document”.

2. Does the Supreme Court have powers to formulate and allocate votes as election results?

3. Were the said results certified by INEC as required by law?

4. Did Hope Uzodinma call 388 witnesses from the 388 polling units to speak to the results to obviate the principle of dumping which the Supreme Court used against the PDP and her candidate, Atiku Abubarka, in the last Presidential Appeal.

5. Were the presiding officers and or party agents of the 388 polling units called to testify by Uzodinma/APC, who were the Petitioners?

6. What are the figures from each of the various 388 polling units generated and allocated to Hope Uzodinma/APC by the Supreme Court?

7. Is the Supreme Court saying that all the votes from the alleged 388 polling units were for the APC alone in an election that was contested by over 70 candidates?

8. It is on record that the votes analysis from the Imo governorship election as at March 11, 2019 when the results were declared were as follows:

-Total Accredited Votes: 823,743
-Total Valid Votes: 739,485
-Cancelled Votes: 25, 130
-Total Valid Votes: 714,355

But at the Supreme Court the Total Valid Votes have increased to 950,952.

This accounts for 127, 209 votes in excess of Total Accredited Votes of 823,743.

The question is; can the Supreme Court sit in Abuja on January 14, 2020 to increase the total number of accredited votes in election held in Imo State on March 9, 2019.

8. Is there any law, which permits the Supreme Court or anyone else for that matter, to unilaterally increase the total accredited votes by any margin after the accreditation and or the election?

9. Where did the Supreme Court get the numbers to declare Uzodinma/APC from a paltry 96,456 votes over Ihedioha/PDP votes of 276,404.

Even if all the excess accredited votes of 127,209 manufactured by the Supreme Court were added to Uzodinma/APC it will be 223,657 votes, still less than Ihedioha’s votes of 276,494 by 42,747 votes.

10. The victory of Ihedioha/PDP were confirmed by 2 concurrent judgments of both the Tribunal and the Court of Appeal and the tradition is that the Supreme Court hardly tamper with such decisions except it was found to be perverse. What was the evidence of perversity?

It is important to also bring to the consciousness of well-meaning members of the public, particularly Nigerians, that there were 2 elections on March 9, 2019, namely, Governorship and the House of Assembly.

As already known, there was only one accreditation for the 2 elections. The APC did not win any of the 27 seats in the Imo State House of Assembly which were won as follows:

PDP      won      13
AA         won      8
APGA    won      6
APC       won      0
Total                  27

The above further questions and confronts the rationale for the judgment of the Supreme Court on Imo State.

How then did the Supreme Court arrive at its decision to allocate results to void a lawful governorship election and imposed an unelected person as governor?

The fact is that, the Supreme Court, as presently constituted under Justice Tanko, has lost its credibility and no longer commands the respect and confidence of Nigerians.

If the people no longer repose confidence in the Supreme Court, then our democracy, national cohesion and stability are at great risk.

The constitution of the panel that heard the appeal itself was a product of drama.

The panel was changed three times and any judge that showed signs of not agreeing to murder democracy in this case was promptly removed by the CJN.
The result had to be unanimous to satisfy the script of rationality.

But can any judge who sat on that panel go home and sleep well?

Can any judge who sat on that panel face his creator and swear that impartial justice was done? We think not.

We had intelligence before the verdict on the Imo Governorship that the hierarchy of APC had decided that they must use the Supreme Court to capture the states won and controlled by the PDP such as Imo, Sokoto, Bauchi, Adamawa and Benue.

Can the PDP rightly trust the impartiality and independence of the panel headed by Justice Tanko Mohammed, the CJN, to adjudicate on the remaining cases involving the PDP like Kano, Sokoto, Benue, Bauchi, Adamawa, Plateau and others?

Is the same fate awaiting the Governors of these states that are controlled by the PDP and other states like Kano where the PDP clearly won and was robbed?

Should Justice Tanko Mohammed and his colleagues on the Imo Governorship Panel not recuse themselves from the remaining cases involving PDP?

The PDP firmly holds that if the flawed judgment of the Supreme Court on Imo governorship election is allowed to stand, it would be a recipe for anarchy, chaos and constitutional crisis not only in Imo state but in the entire country.

Our party has it in good authority that Justice Tanko and his panel are working on instruction from certain forces in the Presidency to use the Supreme Court to take over states lawfully won by the PDP and award them to the APC.

The PDP therefore advises Justice Tanko not to allow himself to be used to push our nation to the path of anarchy and constitutional crisis as any further attempt to subvert justice in the pending petitions on Sokoto, Bauchi, Benue, Adamawa as well as Kano and Plateau states will be firmly and vehemently resisted.

In other to avoid an imminent breakdown of law and order, the PDP demands that Justice Tanko Mohammed immediately steps down as CJN and chairman of the National Judicial Council as Nigerians have lost confidence in him and a Supreme Court under his leadership.

Justice Tanko must not head the panel to determine the remaining election petitions before the Supreme Court.

One final issue to be noted is that it is in the public record that Hon Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun has been the constant instrument used by anti-democratic agents resident in Lagos from where she was elevated to the bench of the Supreme Court, to deliver at least 3 of the most doubtful and controversial judgments which removed PDP governors and other elected officials.

These judgments are:
1. Paul Ukpo V Liyel Imoke where Liyel Imoke was removed in very suspicious circumstances in 2007 when she was at the Court of Appeal;

2. Adeleke V Oyetola delivered in 2019 which annulled the election of Adeleke by the Osun people; and now;

3. Uzodinma V Ihedioha delivered on January 14, 2020 which removed Ihedioha of the PDP who won the election with 276,494 votes and replaced with Uzodinma of the APC who came 4th in the election with a paltry 96, 458 votes.

These cannot be mere coincidences.

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, in the light of extraordinary circumstances that vitiates that judgment as a product manipulation and a clear coup d’etat against the will of the people of Imo State, we demand that the decision of the Supreme Court on the Imo Governorship Election be reviewed and reversed in the interest of justice.

Furthermore we demand that Justice Tanko Mohammed, the CJN and his colleagues on the Imo Governorship Panel recuse themselves from the remaining cases involving PDP in the Supreme Court.

We state for the records that the Supreme Court under Justice Tanko Mohammed shall be held responsible if there is any breakdown of law and order in any state as a result of judgments procured solely for political rather than judicial reasons as is currently happening.

Thank you

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‘Beer Parlour Fiction’: Fayose Gives Atiku 48Hrs to Disown Statement or He ‘Spills More Beans’

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Former Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose has given former Vice President Atiku Abubakar a 48-hour ultimatum to publicly disown a statement he claimed and thought was issued by his media aide, Paul Ibe, regarding a recent meeting in Minna, Niger State.

In a statement posted on his X account, Fayose expressed amusement at Ibe’s response to his earlier claims about the closed-door meeting involving Atiku, Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde, and former military president General Ibrahim Babangida (IBB).

Fayose had previously alleged that the gathering involved discussions on political alignments, including Makinde’s interest in a vice-presidential slot on the African Democratic Congress (ADC) platform for the 2027 elections, reportedly tied to financial commitments.

Fayose stated that he assumes Atiku did not authorize Ibe’s rebuttal, which dismissed his account as fabricated. “However, because of my respect for Atiku, I will want to assume that he did not authorise the press statement and I will expect that after seeing it, he will within 48 hours, cause a rebuttal to be issued on it,” Fayose wrote.

He warned that failure to disown the statement would leave him no choice but to disclose additional details from the Minna meeting.

“Should Atiku not publicly disown the statement within the next 48 hours, I will have no option but to spill more beans, the facilitators and executioners of the Minna meeting, particularly what was said about Wike, and by then, I will be doing so without any atom of respect for him,” Fayose added.

The development follows Fayose’s initial post detailing what he described as the “untold story” of the Minna encounter, which Atiku’s camp has rejected as “beer parlour fiction,” “reckless fabrication,” and baseless gossip. Atiku’s team, including aides like Phrank Shaibu and Paul Ibe, has denied any negotiations over vice-presidential tickets, financial contributions, or related deals, insisting no such discussions occurred.

Paul Ibe has since fired back at Fayose, mocking the ultimatum and questioning its basis, with reports indicating he described the 48-hour demand as excessively long and implying Fayose’s claims lack substance.

The exchange highlights ongoing tensions within Nigeria’s opposition political circles ahead of the 2027 general elections, as figures like Atiku, Makinde, and others navigate potential alliances and party switches. Fayose’s threat to reveal more, including alleged comments about former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike has intensified speculation about behind-the-scenes maneuvers.

Meanwhile, the said article by Amb Phrank Shauibu, and Paul Iba as Fayose erroneously assumed.

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El-Rufai Accuses Ribadu of Ordering His Arrest

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Former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, has accused the National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu, of masterminding an attempt by security agencies to whisk him away at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja on Thursday.

​He made this known on Thursday night when former Vice President Atiku Abubakar paid him a solidarity visit at his residence.

​While recounting his ordeal, he said that shortly after he returned from a trip to Cairo, Egypt, operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS), working with the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), confronted him at the airport and tried to take him into custody.

​He added that he initially thought the DSS officers were working with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), only to later realise it was the ICPC.

​“It turned out that it’s the ICPC that procured the DSS to abduct me and hand me over to them. The ICPC has never invited me.

​“We now understand that it’s the ICPC, not the EFCC, that’s responsible for what happened today, and the ICPC chairman is acting on the direct orders of Nuhu Ribadu,” El-Rufai said.

​Responding, Atiku expressed sympathy for the former governor and stressed the need for political unity ahead of the next general election.

​He noted that opposition forces must organise themselves to challenge President Bola Tinubu in 2027.

​“We must come together and form a very viable opposition because Tinubu is determined to turn Nigeria into a one-party state,” Atiku said.

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Barcelona Moves: Galatasaray Place €80m Price Tag on Osimhen

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Turkish Super Lig club, Galatasaray, have slapped an €80 million release clause on Victor Osimhen amid interest from Spanish giants Barcelona, Soccernet.ng reports.

​Osimhen has been one of the most prolific strikers in the world over the last four years. In fact, he only recently scored his 200th career goal.

​Since his permanent move to Galatasaray, he has been the club’s poster boy due to his impressive performances. This season, he has contributed 15 goals and one assist in 21 appearances across all competitions for the Cimbom.

The Nigerian international has been particularly vital in the UEFA Champions League, where he has already netted six goals.

​His performances have not gone unnoticed, however, as several top clubs continue to keep tabs on him.

The 27-year-old only joined Galatasaray last summer for a Turkish transfer record fee of €75 million, but many clubs in Europe’s top five leagues would fancy having him as their leading man.

Now, according to a report by Turkish outlet Haberlisin, Spanish giants Barcelona are plotting a move for Osimhen.

​Why Barcelona want Osimhen

Barcelona’s current top striker is Robert Lewandowski, and the club is looking to move on from the veteran, who will turn 38 in August.

With second-choice striker Ferran Torres not considered a reliable long-term option, the Catalans are searching for a proper talisman to lead their line.

​According to Haberlisin, Barcelona have made Osimhen a major target and are willing to go all out for him in the summer.

​However, Galatasaray won’t let him leave for cheap. Having paid €75 million for his services just seven months ago, they will want to maximize their return on the transfer. Consequently, they have slapped a hefty €80 million price tag on the Super Eagles star.

Although they are one of the biggest clubs in the world, Barcelona might struggle to meet this valuation due to their ongoing financial troubles. However, over the last three years, they have managed to pull off several big-money deals.

​For Osimhen, even though he loves life at Galatasaray and earns a Turkish-record salary, he likely still has eyes on playing in one of Europe’s top five leagues.

​It remains to be seen how hard the Spanish giants will push to get this transfer over the line and whether Osimhen will be willing to go.

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